After Globalization by Eric Cazdyn, Imre Szeman

By Eric Cazdyn, Imre Szeman

In full of life and unflinching prose, Eric Cazdyn and Imre Szeman argue that modern considered the area is disabled through a deadly flaw: the shortcoming to imagine "an after" to globalization. After constructing seven theses (on schooling, morality, background, destiny, capitalism, country, and customary feel) that problem the fake offers that maintain this time-limit, After Globalization examines 4 renowned thinkers (Thomas Friedman, Richard Florida, Paul Krugman and Naomi Klein) and the way their paintings is dulled via those gives you. Cazdyn and Szeman then converse to scholars from world wide who're either unconvinced and bored with those grants and who comprehend the realm very in a different way than how it is popularly represented.

After Globalization argues real skill to imagine an after to globalization is the very starting of politics today.

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Washington announced that it would cut greenhouse gas emissions 17 percent below 2005 levels by 2020; this, however, only amounted to a 4 percent decrease based on the 1990 benchmark used by most other nations. China cited sovereignty concerns as it hesitated on enforcement, while India and Brazil questioned why they should be held to the same targets as those of the United States and the European Union given the uneven history of global industrial development; the Group of 77 (an organization of 130 developing countries) argued that cuts in CO2 emissions should not come at the expense of their development; and the African Union (a 50-member bloc of mostly poor nations) demanded much sharper cuts in emissions, as did small island states (a 39-member group, notably represented by the charismatic Prime Minister of the Maldives, Mohamed Nasheed), without which their very nations will become uninhabitable due to sea-level rise.

To be clear: for Fukuyama, the end of history means that humanity has matured to the point where Western liberal democracy is the only game in town; for Kagan, Western liberal democracy is also the only legitimate, mature political form. The difference is that, for Kagan, the movement of history on its own does not confer the legitimacy that comes with political and ideological maturity. If it was once imagined that history had come to an end with the establishment of a “new kind of international order, with nation-states growing together or disappearing, ideological 25 The Afterlife of Globalization conflicts melting away, cultures intermingling, and increasing free commerce and communications,”22 history has now returned in the form of the international competition amongst nation-states.

The texts that we assess include some of the foundational arguments for how we should understand the new geopolitical system – globalization (Friedman) and its aftermath; descriptions of the new character of work and cities (Florida) as well as the economics of the global era (Florida, Krugman, and Klein); critical assessments of the politics and culture of globalization (Clooney, Klein); and a ferocious re-narration of globalization intended to make us see it with new eyes (Klein). Our aim in taking up these texts is not to take them to task for getting things wrong, nor to pick winners and losers amongst them whose views and insights we can thus either jettison or champion.

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